0:00 ‘>> So in the last lecture, we saw some evidence that human beings are very inclined to have a story about why they do the things they do. And that sometimes, they seems capable of generating false stories. So, for example, if shoppers are unconsciously drawn to products that happen to sit on a particular part of the shelf and you ask them, why do prefer that product? They tend to come up with the claim that it has some special property that other products don't have, when in fact all of the products on the shelf have exactly the same properties. And they seem to believe this when they say it. It's as if we're designed to convince the world that we have coherent motivations, and in the process we convince ourselves of that. Now, this raises a question, I mean as long as we're going to shade the truth in this one regard, why not shade the truth in other ways. As long as we're going to claim that we have a coherent motivation, why not claim that we have pure motivations. That we're, that we're good

在上堂课里，我们看到一些证据，人们非常倾向于有一个故事，对于他们为什么做他们在做的事情。有时候，他们看起来有能力生成假的故事。所以，例如，如果购物者无意识的被产品吸引，恰好坐在架子的某个地方，你问他们，为什么喜欢那个产品？他们倾向于提出声明：它有某种特别的属性，其他产品所没有的。当实际上，所有的产品，架子上的，有完全同样的属性。他们看起来相信这个，当他们说它的时候。好像我们被设计来相信世界，我们有连贯动机的世界。在这个过程中我们让自己确信这个。现在，这引发了一个问题，我的意思是，只要我们将要掩盖真相，在这方面，为什么不用其他方式掩盖呢？只要我们将要声明，我们有连贯的动机，为什么不声明，我们有纯粹的动机。声明我们是好人。

people. And why don't we, in other respects, burnish our reputations. After all, you can imagine ways that during evolution if our ancestors could impress people and preserve a good reputation, that could help them get their genes into the next generation. So, maybe there's a, kind of a built in tendency to do this kind of self promotion. Well, as we're going to see, there is a fair amount of evidence that people pretty naturally do self promotion. And there are some psychologists who think that, actually, one of the main functions of what we ordinarily think of as the conscious self is to assist in this kind of self promotion effort. One of these psychologists is named Rob Kurzban and he's at Penn, the University of Pennsylvania. And I had a conversation with him about this recently, and as you'll see he starts off by giving me the bad news about myself. >> Okay. So, are you saying that the, the me that I think of as me is not in control, the Bob?

为什么我们，在其他方面，改善我们的名声。毕竟，你能想象，在进化期间的方法，如果我们的祖先能够给人们留下印象，获得一个好名声，那能帮助他们把基因传递到下一代。所以，也许有一种内置的东西，倾向于做这种自我激励的事。好吧，当我们将要看到，有相当多的证据，人们相当自然地做自我激励。有一些心理学家，认为，实际上，我们平常认为是意识自我的主要功能中的一种，是在这种自我激励努力中起辅助作用。这些心理学家中的一个，叫做Rob Kerzban，他在宾夕法尼亚大学。我跟他有一个对话，关于这个，最近，你将看到，他从给我关于我自己的坏消息开始。>> 好吧，所以，你是说，我，我认为的我，并没有控制力？

burnish：改善（形象） Pennsylvania：宾夕法尼亚州

2:02 '>> Yes, I sort of think of the me that you think of as Bob as a little bit more like a press secretary or public relations department, which is sort of broadcasting things out into the world that are useful for Bob. You know, maintaining your reputation and so on but really there's a lot of decision making going on that you have no conscious access to but none of us, sort of, really know about. What this means is that we don't know always understand the motive behind our own, our own actions. And this unitary sense of self is more, again, it's kind of broadcast media as opposed to all these bits and pieces that are, that are doing the actual work. >> Another term for those bits and pieces that Rob Kurzban referred to at the end there is modules.

是的，我有点儿认为我，就是你认为的Bob，是一个有点儿像出版商秘书，或者公共关系部门，有点儿像把事情广播到这个世界，把对Bob有用的事情。你知道，维护你的名声，等等，但是真的，有许多决定，做了，进行着，你没有意识到通道？，但是，我们没有人，有点儿像，真的知道。这意思是，我们一直不知道，理解我们自己后面的动机，我们自己的行为。这个自我的统一意义，更多，再说一遍，它有点儿像广播媒体，而不是所有这些做实际工作的碎片。>> Rob Kuerzban最后指的“碎片”的另一个术语是模块。

access：进入（权）；通道;入径；查阅（或使用）的机会（或权利）；接近（或面见）的机会（或权利）； 存取，访问(计算机信息） unitary：统一的，集中的，中央集权制的 opposed：反对的；不赞成的；对立的；对抗的；相对的；相反的； as opposed：而不是

2:45 As I've suggested, there is this thing called the modular view of the mind, which doesn't include a self as we ordinarily conceive of a self, and Rob is an adherent of this view, of this theory. And in fact, he wrote a book whose subtitle is Evolution and the Modular Mind. The title of the book is, Why everyone else is a hypocrite. Now in this lecture, we're going to talk about the modular view of the mind, but I want to start by spending some time fleshing out the idea that what we think of as the conscious self is largely in the public relations business. As we'll see, this idea fits very naturally into a modular view of the mind. And it also, of course, fits naturally alongside this general Buddhist theme that we tend not to see things clearly, we have illusions, certainly including illusions about ourselves. In 1980 psychologist named Anthony Greenwald coined the term beneffectance to describe the way people naturally present themselves to other people. It's a compound word. First half comes from

像我曾经暗示的，有这个东西，被称为思想的模块化观点，它不包含自我，像我们平常认为的自我。Rob是这个理论，这个观点的信徒。实际上，他写了一本书，副标题是，进化和模块化大脑。书的标题是，为什么每个人是伪君子。现在在这堂课里，我们将要谈论模块化大脑的观点。但是我想从花点时间展开这个观点开始：我们认为的意识自我，很大程度上在公共关系部门。像我们将要看到的，这个观点自然地契合了模块化大脑的观点。它也，当然，同时自然契合了这个普遍的佛教主题：我们不倾向于清楚地看事情，我们有幻觉，当然包括关于我们自己的幻觉。在1980年一个心理学家，叫做Anthony Greenwald 用了个双关术语，beneffectance到描述人们自然地向别人呈现自己的方式。那是一个复杂的单词。首先，一半来自单词beneficial，

adherent：追随者；拥护者；信徒 hypocrite： 伪君子;伪善者;假道学 fleshing out：充实 alongside：在…旁边；沿着…的边；与…并排靠拢；与…一起；与…同时（存在、发生） coined：用个双关语;套用句老话

the word beneficial, meaning that we tend to present ourselves as helpful, as beneficial to others. The second half of the word comes from effective, so we present ourselves as capable, competent, successful. And a lot of evidence has piled up, a lot of it since he coined the term, to suggest that he was on to something. So for example, along a lot of dimensions of skill, ranging from social skill to athletic skill, most people when asked will describe themselves as above average. You know, when you do the math, it can't be the truth that most people are above average. And this kind of view of our self turns out to be very resistant to actual evidence. So there was one study where they looked at 50 drivers who had recently been hospitalized because of car accidents, and in more than two-thirds of those cases, the police had determined that they were at fault. And they asked these people, you know, they showed them a spectrum from very poor driver to expert driver, and they asked them, where do you fit along this spectrum? And then they, they did the same thing with a control group, people that had no black marks on their records. They asked them to rate their driving ability. And the two groups rated themselves almost identically. In both cases it was near the expert end of the spectrum.

意思是我们倾向于呈现自己，对别人有帮助、有好处。单词的第二半来自effective，所以我们展现自己有能力，称职的，成功的。自从他创造这个术语以来，大量证据累积起来，其中许多，暗示着，他识破了某事。例如，在一个许多纬度的技能，从社交技能到体育技能，更多人，当被问时，将会描述自己是高于平均的。你知道，当你做个数学题，它不能是真的，大多数人高于平均。这种观点，对于自我的，变得非常有抵抗力，对于实际的证据。所以有一个研究，他们看了50个司机，最近被送进医院，因为车祸。多于2/3的人这些案例，警方确定他们有错。他们问这些人，你知道，他们给他们显示了一个频谱，从非常差的司机，到专家司机，他们问他们，你知道，你觉得自己在这个频谱的哪个地方？然后，他们做了同样的事情，对一个控制组，没有记录污点的人。他们问他们评价他们的驾驶技能。这两个组都评价自己，几乎一致。在两个案例里，它都接近于频谱的专家端。

be on to：意识到，找…岔子知道； 识透； 对某人找岔子； 与…联系[商谈] resistant：反对的;抵制的;抗拒的；有抵抗力的;不受…损害的

5:05 Now, one thing that, that allows us to resist that kind of evidence is the way we kind of naturally interpret negative outcomes. There's, there's a human tendency to explain away negative outcomes as being due to something other than yourself. Being due to luck or some other aspect of external circumstances. And this is the tendency that keeps hustlers in business. By hustlers I mean people who play sports or games for real money. And one reason they can, they can find people who will lose to them on a sustained basis and yet keep playing, is these people convince themselves that they're actually at least as good as the person who keeps beating them, it's just that they keep having bad luck. You know, it's, it's the shot on the 17th hole that, that one more yard and it wouldn't have hit the water. Or in backgammon it's one single roll of the dice explains how they lost.

现在，一件事，允许我们反对那种证据，是我们有点儿自然地解释负面结果的方式。有一个人倾向于解释 away负面结果作为因为某个不是自己的东西。因为运气，或者一些其他方面的外部环境。这是趋势，在商业上hustler。通过hustler我是指人们，为真实的金钱运动或者打游戏。一个理由他们能，他们能发现，人们将会失去，在一个持续的基础上，然而继续玩，是这些人确信自己，他们实际上至少跟打击自己的人一样好，那只是因为自己运气不好。你知道，那是第十七个洞，多了一码，它不会击打到水。在西洋双陆棋，它是一个单个的滚动的骰子解释为什么他们输。

resist：抵抗;抵制;反对；经得起;耐得住;抵挡 hustler：<美，非正>耍诡计骗钱的人； 精力充沛、能干的人； <美，俚>妓女； sustained：持续的 backgammon：西洋十五子棋；西洋双陆棋 roll of the dice：滚动的骰子

6:03 These things may be true, but what they're not noticing is that when the other person loses, they have similar explanations and maybe, sometimes even when the other person's winning, they did it in spite of a lot of bad luck. But we don't notice the bad luck that other people have. So we have this tendency to, to not focus on ourselves in explaining negative outcomes but to focus on ourselves when the outcomes are positive. And this happens, not just in individual context, but in team context when we assess how much we contributed to a team effort. And there's one study of academics who had co-authored papers, and of course getting a paper published in a journal is a success in itself, so they asked these people, well how much of the overall effort were you responsible for. You know, when there were

这些事情可能是真的，但是他们没注意到的一点是，当另一个人不见了，他们有相似的解释，可能，有时候甚至，即使在另一个人赢了的时候，他们做了这件事，尽管有很多坏运气。但是我们没有注意到，另一个人有的坏运气。所以我们有这个倾向，去不关注自己，在解释负面结果时，但是关注我们自己，当结果是积极的。这个发生，不只是在个人情景下，也在团队情景下适用，当我们评估我们给团队贡献了多少时。有一个学术研究，有共同作者的论文，当然在一个期刊上发表了是它自己的成功。所以他们问这些人总体努力的多少，是你负责的，你知道，有多个作者。

multiple authors, did you do 20%, 40% of the work, and it turned out in the, in the average four person team, where papers had four co-authors, the total of claimed credit was 140% when they added up the evaluations of the people. So, in a four person team the average person was claiming more than one third of the credit for the outcome. Now, this finding covers both halves of the word beneffectance. In other words, to say you contributed a lot to a team effort is both to say you're effective, you're capable. It is also to say you were helpful to your teammates, whereas some of the other findings apply only, say, to the effective half. If you think that you're athletic skills are superb, that's about just being effective. And then some findings apply just more to the beneficial half. So, for example most people think that they do more good things than the average person and do fewer bad things. So, we all believe apparently that, that we're morally upstanding by and large and, and possibly more, more morally upstanding than we actually are.

你做了20%，40%的工作，结果发现，在平均四个人的团队，论文有四个共同作者，声明的贡献是140%，当他们把这些人的评估加起来的时候。所以，在一个四人团队里，人均声称超过1/3的贡献了那个结果。现在，这个发现涵盖了单词beneffectance的两面。换句话说，说你给团队贡献了很多，既是说你有效率，你有能力，也是说你对你的队友有帮助，然而其他一些发现仅仅应用于有效率的一面。如果你认为，你是体育技能很高超，那是关于效率的。然后一些发现更多应用于有益的一面。例如，许多人认为，他们做了更多的好事，比普通人；做了更少的坏事。我们都显然相信，我们道德上整整齐齐，可能比我们实际上更加品行端正，。

credit：贡献（华佼注：自己的解释） upstanding by and large：整整齐齐 upstanding：品行端正的；正直的

8:02 Now one dynamic that facilitates all of these kind of self serving beliefs is selective retention. The way the memory filters out certain things. So for example, it turns out that we are more inclined to remember events that reflect favorably on us than events that reflect unfavorably on us. That doesn't mean we don't have any negative memories. I mean there are certainly some things that are, that turn out disastrously that you, you need to remember, so you don't repeat the mistake. We do have painful memories. But even so, there's a difference between the negative and the positive memories.

现在一个促成所有这种自我服务信念的动力之一，是选择性保留。记忆过滤了某些东西。例如，结果发现，我们更倾向于记住事件，对我们有好处的，比起没好处的时间。那不是说我们没有任何负面的记忆。我是指，有某种东西，糟糕的表现，你需要记住，所以你不重复错误。我们有痛苦的记忆。但是即使如此，有一个差异，在负面和积极的记忆之间。

dynamic：动力 facilitate：促进;使便利 retention：保持;保留 disastrously：极糟糕的;灾难性的；完全失败的;极糟的

[BLANK_AUDIO] The studies show that the positive events we remember in greater detail than the negative events. So it's, it's as if we are preparing ourselves to tell in glorious detail the good things, the things that reflect favorably on us, whereas the, the negative memories don't seem so designed for retelling. They're to remember and maybe not share. And by the way, when it comes to other people, you don't find this asymmetry. We remember events that reflect unfavorably on other people in, in just as detailed of fashion as we remember the events that reflect favorably. Some of the stuff may not shock you because people are actually fairly aware of some of these human biases.

研究显示，积极的事件，我们记住，更多细节，比消极的事件。所以，它好像我们在准备自己，讲好事的令人愉快的细节，对我们反映有好处的事情，然而，负面记忆看起来不是这样设计来复述的。它们要记住但不会分享。顺便说下，当这在其他人身上发生时，你不会发现这种不对称。我们记住对他人不利的事件，就像我们记住对我们自己有好处的事情一样的方式，记住很多细节。一些东西可能不会震惊你，因为人们实际上相当清楚这样一些人性的偏见。

glorious：美好的，令人愉快的 fashion：以…方式;以…方法（不是很理解fashion在该句中的具体意思）

But, they're much more aware of them in other people than in themselves. And they've done studies that show even this. So, one study took eight of these kinds of biases of the sort that I've been describing. These are biases that are pretty well documented. For example, one of them was this, this tendency of ours to kind of take credit for positive outcomes, say that was due to skill, to hard work, whereas the negative outcomes we may blame on unclear instructions, or the fact that we were over worked or something. So it listed this and seven other things and presented them to people and,

但是他们更多的清楚别人眼中的自己，比起自己眼中自己。他们做了甚至显示这个的研究。一个研究，拿了我描述过的这种偏见的8个。这些是相当好的被记录的偏见。例如，一个人是这个，我们的这个倾向，喜欢把积极结果的功劳归功于自己。说，因为这个技能，因为努力工作，然而负面结果，我们可能责备不清楚的指示，或者我们工作过多或者其他的什么事实。所以它列出这个和其他七个事情，把它们呈现给人们。

you may be able to, to predict the outcome. Most people along all eight dimensions, most people said they suffered from less of these biases than the average person. So, we're even biased about how biased we are. And it's kind of remarkable when you think, think of it I mean, here you, you put people in a situation where they are forced to reflect on this apparently deep seated human tendency toward a self serving bias. And even that situation doesn't, doesn't get them to really, fully account for the bias in themselves. So, all told I guess you can see how, you know if, if, if one of the lessons of Buddhism is that we see things unclearly, we have illusions, including illusions about ourself. Well, there's a, there's a fair amount of, of evidence to support that view, certainly in this sense.

你可能可以预测结果。大多数人，在这八个纬度上，大多数人，说他们比一般人有的这些偏见更少。我们甚至对我们怎样有偏见这件事上有偏见。这有点儿值得记住，当你思考这个。我是指，你把人们放到一个情景中，他们被迫在这个上作出反映，显然深深地根植于人类一个自我服务偏见的倾向。所有这些说过的，我猜你能看到怎样，你知道，如果佛教课程的一个，是我们看事情不清楚，我们有幻觉，包括关于我们自己的错觉。好吧，有一个相当数量的证据去证明这个观点，在这个意义上。

11:02 Now, I'm want to emphasize there are individual differences among people. So, for example, there is such a thing as low self-esteem. People who will deflate themselves in the course of presenting themselves rather than inflate themselves. And, by the way, there are evolutionary explanations that are, that are plausible as to why we might be designed to have self esteem that can go up or down depending on what happens to us.

现在我想强调，在人们当中有个体差异。例如，有这样一个东西，像低自尊。人们将会贬低自己，在介绍自己的过程中，而不是吹嘘自己。顺便说下，有进化的解释是，那貌似合理，关于为什么我们可能被设计得有自我自尊能够上上下下，取悦于我们身上发生了什么。

deflate：贬低自己的重要性 in the course of：在...期间

11:30 And for that matter there are all kinds of personality differences between people that might also lead us to, you know, lead some people to do less self inflation than others or to do none of it. But the fact that people differ in this respect, and some people don't do the self inflation, doesn't mean that they're not suffering from illusions. So they did a a study for example, where they, they took people who'd scored high on, on the extraversion scale, extroverts. And they took people who had scored highly on the neuroticism scale. And they had both of them keep diaries about in particular, things that they had strong emotional responses to. And then later they had them to recall what had happened without being able to refer to the diaries. And it turned out that the extroverts remembered more positive events than had in fact happened, and the neurotics remembered more negative events that had, than had in fact happened. And I just want to emphasize, both of them were suffering from illusions, okay? So, so neither had a, a clear view of things.

因为那个原因，有各种个性差异，在人们当中，可能也让我们，你知道，让一些人做更少的自我吹嘘，比其他人，或者完全不吹嘘。但是事实上，这些人在这方面也有差异。有些人不吹嘘自我，不意味着他们不承受错觉的痛苦。所以他们做了一个研究，例如，他们带人们，那些在外向尺度上分数高的人，外向者。他们带在神经质尺度上分数高的人，他们让这两类人写日记，特别是，他们有强烈感情反应的时候。然后他们让他们回忆发生了什么，不参考日记。结果发现，外向者记住了更多积极的事件，比事实上。神经质患者记住了更多消极的事件，比事实上。我只是想强调，两类人都经受了错觉，对吗？所以都没有对事物一个清楚的看法。

neuroticism：神经质 neurotics：神经质的;极为焦虑的

12:36 So in various ways, the kind of behavioral programming we have, as it plays out and gives rise to certain inclinations there are various ways it can lead to illusion, to unclear vision. But one way or another, it's very common that, that it does, and that we're not left with a truly objective perspective on ourselves and things that happen to us. So I hope now you can understand why Rob Kurzban thinks that the thing we think of as the conscious self is largely in the public relations business. And I hope you can, you can imagine why he might even think that this is a built-in tendency engineered by natural selection. And he's certainly not alone in that view.

所以在很多方式上，我们有的行为编码，当它表现出来，给出了某种倾向，有各种方法，它能导向错觉，导向不清楚的幻觉。但是一个方法或者另一个，非常普遍，它确实，我们不是离开一个真是的客观的视角（华佼注：此句不理解），对我们自己，和在我们身上发生的事情。所以我希望现在你能理解，为什么Rob Kurzban认为，我们认为是自我的东西，很大程度上是在公共关系部门。我希望你能够想象，为什么他可能甚至认为这有一个被自然选择内置的倾向工程。在那个观点上他当然不孤单。

vision：想象;展望；想象;幻想

13:22 In 1989, the anthropologist Jerome Barkow wrote, it is possible to argue that the primary evolutionary function of the self is to be the organ of impression management rather than, as our folk psychology would have it, a decision maker.

1989年，人类学家Jerome barkow写道，这是可能的，主张，自我的主要进化功能是印象管理的器官，而不是向我们的民间心理学认为的那样是个决策者。

anthropologist：人类学家

13:38 Now so far as I know, he may have been the first person to really clearly state the idea that this thing we think of as the kind of executive self was in fact designed by natural selection to be a kind of propaganda machine. So I quoted him saying this in a book I wrote five years after he said it The Moral Animal, my book on evolutionary psychology. And then I added afterwards that there is the possibility as well that the thing he referred to as folk psychology, in other words, this apparently false intuition that the conscious self is the decision maker, that maybe that intuition is also a product of natural selection, because it facilitates the propaganda operation, the public relations operation. Because after all, if I'm going to try to convince you that I did something for the most high minded motives, well it helps for me to believe that I was there when the decision was made. I made the decision, and I know what, what, motives govern the decision. That will help me more convincingly portray myself as being the kind of person I want to portray myself as. And for that

至今如我所知，他可能是第一人，真正清楚地表述了这个观点，这个我们认为是执行自我的东西，实际上被自然选择设计来作为一种宣传机器。所以我在书中引用他话说，那本书是他说了那句话的五年后写的，《道德动物》，我在进化心理学上的书。然后我后来加入了那个，有可能，同样，他指做民间心理学的东西，换句话说，这个显然错误的直觉，意识自我是决策者的直觉，可能这知觉也是自然选择的产物。因为它促进宣传运作,公共关系运作。因为毕竟，如果我将要试着让你确信，我做了一些事情，因为最高心智动机，它帮助我相信，我在那里，当决定被做时。我做了决定，我知道，什么，什么动机主宰了这个决定。那将帮助我更加确信，描绘自己，是那种人，我想要描述自己的那种。

propaganda：宣传（活动） facilitates the propaganda operation：促进宣传运作 portray：扮演；饰演；描绘；描述；表现；刻画

matter, there would, there would be other benefits to, to believing that, that you are the, the CEO, that the conscious self is the CEO. And, and one of these gets back to the beginning of this segment where I emphasize, you know, coherence of motivation. You can certainly imagine how, during evolution, it would be to our benefit to present ourselves as others, to others as, as, as having, you know, rational, logical reasons to do what we do, you know? I mean, if you imagine, if you think back to the split brain experiment I described in the previous lecture, if you remember the guy who got up and started walking, and they said where are you going? And he said, I'm going to get a soda, even though that was not the reason he had gotten up and, and started walking. Although, so far as

因为那个原因，将有其他的益处，去相信，你是CEO，意识自我是CEO。这些回到了这一节的开始我强调的地方，你知道动机连贯性。你当然能想象，怎样，在进化期间，它将是我们的好处，把自己介绍给他人，你知道的，因为有理性的、有逻辑的理由去做我们做的事情。我是指，如果你想象，如果你回想裂脑实验，我在前一堂课中描述的，如果你记住的那个人，起来，开始走路，他们说你要去哪里？他说我要去拿个苏打，即使没那不是他起床和开始走路的原因。

his left hemisphere knew, and that's what was doing the talking it could've been the reason, but it wasn't the real reason. Well, somebody who says something like that, I'm going to get a soda, you know, somebody you can do business with, some, someone you'd be willing to have as a friend, as an ally as a collaborator. Because he, you know, he seems to have his, his act together, whereas if, if he had said, you know, it's weird, I just get up, I do stuff, I don't know why. I, I get up and I walk places. It doesn't make sense to me. I might do any given thing on any given day. Well that kind

尽管，只要他的左脑知道，左脑做说话的事情，它可以有那个理由，但是那不是真是的原因。好吧，有人，谁说了想那样的话，我将要拿一个苏打，你知道，某人，你正在做生意的人，你想要交朋友作为合伙人的人，因为他，你知道，他看起来有他的行为一起，然而，如果他说，你知道，这很奇怪，我只是起来，我做事情，我不知道为什么。我起来，我走路。这对我说不通。我可能做任何给定的事情，在任一个给定的日子。

of person you're, you're, you know not going to want to be on your team. So, that's another reason that it's at least possible that this intuition about the CEO self is whats called an adaptation in biology. That is to say it was designed by natural selection because it helped ultimately to get genes into the next generation. Now I want to emphasize, this is just conjecture. It's you know, it's we're, we're, you know, it will probably be a long time before this matter gets settled. But I do think it's important conjecture, because of all of the illusions that Buddhism emphasizes, there's probably none more important that the fundamental illusion about the self along these very lines.

好吧，那种人，你知道，你不会想那种人在你的团队里。所以，这是另一个原因，它至少可能，这个直觉，关于CEO自我的直觉，是在生物学上被称为适应的东西。那是说，它被自然选择设计，因为它最终有帮助去让基因传递到下一代。它将很可能是很长一个时间，在这个事件变得牢固之前。但是我确实认为，它是重要的推测，因为所有的错觉，佛教强调的，很有可能，没什么更重要，关于自我的根本幻觉，沿着这些路线。

conjecture：推测 along：沿着

16:52 And I know also that this conjecture has kind of been floating around a little during this course. I mean, in the, in the last lecture we were hinting at it a little, but I do think it's worth dwelling on because it is important. And by way of dwelling on it just a little longer, I want to share with you a little bit more of that conversation with Rob Kurzban a part of it where we kind of rift on this idea. >> I mean an interesting question that I don't really know what the answer to is, why is that? So why do we all seem so confident that there's one central author of our actions that persist through time and it's the same guy that, you know, was there when I was a kid, and will be there when I'm an adult, I guess, when I'm an old person. And that it has this persistence over time. And it certainly feels that way. And I get, I get that. Like, I feel that way too. I feel like there's a me in there somewhere.

我也知道，这个推测有点在这个课程里一直悬浮着（华佼注：此句不理解。）我是指，在上一堂课里，我们有点儿在暗示它，但是我确实认为它值得逗留，因为它很重要。通过在它上面逗留地更久一点，我想要跟你分享更多一点我和Rob Kurzban的对话的一部分，我们有点儿争议在这个观点上。 >> 我是指一个有趣的问题，我真的不知道它的答案，那是为什么？所以为什么我们都看起来很自信，我们的行为有一个中心作者，在时间上持续，它是同一个人，你知道，是那个我是个孩子时的人，也是我是成人时的那个人，我猜，当我是个老人时的那个人。那随着时间持续。当然感觉是那样的。我懂那个。像我也是那样感觉的。我感觉在某个地方有一个我。

rift：争议； hint：暗示;示意

17:43 But I, yeah, go ahead.

但我，好的，继续。

17:45 '>> Well, I was going to say, I mean, it, it, it seems to in a way follow from the idea that its function is to be the press agent, right? I mean, if it's, if it's in our interest to prevent, to, to present a story about ourselves as these coherent, in charge individuals guided by a consistent set of values then, you know, if that's the story it make sense for you to present, then that's the story it makes sense for you to believe, and that is the story of a coherent, in charge self, right? >> Yeah, that's exactly right, and I think you put your finger on something which I think its really important, which is that these stories that we spin are basically responding to the fact that other people value certain kinds of things in others. For example, they want other people to be logical, consistent, coherent, predictable, and so on. This means that the stories you spin have to have those properties.

'>> 好的，我将要说，我是指，它看起来，某种程度上，从这观点而来，它的功能是出版商代理，对吗？我是指，如果它是，如果它是我们的利益to prevent（华佼注：prevent应该是口误），去呈现一个故事，关于我们自己，当这些连贯，掌控个体，被持续的价值观引导（华佼注：value的意思不明），然后你知道，如果是这个故事，它说得通，让你相信，那是一个连贯的故事，在控制自我上，对吗？ >> 是的，完全正确。我认为你把你的手指放在什么东西上（华佼注：像是一个短语），我认为这个东西真的非常重要，这个东西是，这些故事，我们虚构，基本上对事实反映，其他人看重某种东西，在其他人身上的。例如，他们想要其他人有逻辑，持续，连贯，可预测等等。这意味着那个故事，你虚构的不得不有那些属性。

prevent：防止，阻碍

I mean you can imagine a world in which it's not like that, where you know, we just like random people, or, I don't know, unpredictable for whatever reason. But that's not the world we live in. And so the stories that we spin tend to have these properties that make us, kind of, good, sort of social agents, that make us, coherent, and, and, parsable and understandable and comprehensible. And so exactly as you said, I think that's what the press agent is up to. It's sort of Making us appear as though we're good people to have around. >> Now, I want to draw your attention to something Rob said

我是指你能想象一个世界，它不像，你知道的，我们只是喜欢随机的人，或者我不知道，不可预测，因为什么原因。但是那不是我们居住的世界。所以故事，我们虚构的，倾向于有这些属性，那让我们有点，好，像是社交代理，让我们连贯，可剖析的和可理解的，和能懂的。所以完全跟你说的一样，我认为那是出版商代理负责的东西。它有点儿让我们表现得，好像我们是身边的好人。>> 现在，我想要把你的注意力带到在那个片段里Rob早些时候说的东西。

spin：杜撰;虚构;编造 parsable：可剖析的 comprehensible：能懂的 to have around：在附近，在身边

early on in that segment, where he referred to one central author of our actions that persists through time, by way of describing the way we normally think of the self. Okay, there are two themes there. When he talks about an author of our actions, he's talking about control. The idea is there is this CEO, this decision maker, things are under control. And when he talks about persistence through time, he's of course talking about a self that, that has some coherent persistent over time.

那里他指出我们行为的一个中央作者，通过时间持续，通过我们平常认为的自我的方式描述。好吧，那里有两个主题。当他谈论我们行为的一个作者，他是在谈论控制。这个观点是，有一个CEO，这个决策者，事情都在控制之下。当他谈论随着时间持续，他当然在谈论一个自我，那有某种随着时间的连贯持续性。

The me that was me when I was 12 is in some sense the same me as now, and so on. And if you'll think back to the first discourse of the Buddha, which we described in the previous lecture those are exactly the two themes that the Buddha emphasized, right? He said, if you think that, that things are really under control, you know, that, that, that is our conception of the self, but if you think things are under control, take a look. Things aren't under so much control. And he said, basically, if you think that there is this self that persists through time, why is it that there is so much flux and impermanence in the things we call the self.

12岁的我，在某个意义上，跟现在的我是一样的我。如果你回想佛陀的第一个演说，我们描述过，在之前的课里。那完全是同样的两个主题，佛陀强调的主题，对吗？他说，如果你认为，事情真的在控制之下，你知道，那是我们对自我的概念。但是如果你认为事情是在控制之下，看看。事情并没有这样在控制之下。他说，基本上，如果你认为有这个自我，随着时间持续，为什么它是有这么多flux和无常，在这些被我们称为自我的东西里呢？

20:24 the, the things that constitute the self in, by, in popular reckoning. And I just think it's kind of amazing that, in the 21st century, a psychologist like Rob Kurzban who, who claims no special conversency in, in Buddhist doctrine, hasn't read the first Discourse on the Not-self, reaches fundamentally the same view of things that the Buddha reached about 2500 years ago. Which is that the two, two of the aspects that are most deeply embedded in our notion of the self, our intuitive notion

构成自我的东西，通过，在流行的估算中（华佼注：此句不理解）。我只是认为它有点令人惊叹，在21世纪，一个心理学家，像Rob Kurzban，他声称没有特别的精通，在佛教教义里，没有读过非我的第一布道，他对于佛陀在2500年前对那些东西的观点，根本上一样，一体两面，是我们观念中植入最深的两个。我们对自我的直觉观念，

reckoning：（尤指并不十分准确的）预计，估计，估算；报应;清算 amazing：令人称奇的，惊人的 conversency：集中，集聚 conversancy：熟练，精通 aspects：（事物的）外观,样子,特征；（语法中动词的）体

of the self, are probably illusions. The, the self doesn't persist coherently through time, there's, there's, there's more change than that, and there is no single author of our actions. Of course, this raises the question of well, what is authoring our actions? I mean, some, something determines the things we do, the thoughts we think, and so on. Well, this brings us back to the modular view of the mind, which as I said, offers an answer to that question, and that's what we're going to turn to in the next segment.

很可能是错觉。自我并不在时间上持续连贯，有更多的改变，我们的行为没有单一作者。当然，这也提出了那个问题，谁是我们行为的作者？我是指，有些东西决定了我们在做的事情，我们在想的想法等等。好吧，这带我们到回到大脑的模块化观点，像我之前说过的，给那个问题提供了一个答案，那是我们将要在下一讲中展示的。

Source:

https://www.coursera.org/learn/science-of-meditation/lecture/GhATY/delusions-about-ourselves